BJP's gambit to alter electoral demography in Jammu and Kashmir for poll gains may fall flat
By Daanish Bin Nabi
The
announcement that outsiders who are ‘ordinarily residents’ of Jammu and Kashmir
will be allowed to register as local voters has caused consternation in the
Union Territory. ‘Outsiders’, the Chief Electoral Officer explained, will
include migrant workers besides security personnel.
In an
attempt to soothe nerves, it was later claimed that the 2.5 million additional
voters expected to be included in the ongoing electoral roll revision will
largely consist of first time voters who have turned 18. No mention was made of
security personnel and migrant workers.
Observers
point out that the last electoral roll revision, undertaken before the 2019
general election, had added very few new voters, just about 100 in each
constituency. What, then, could explain the addition of 2.5 million new voters
in the Union Territory?
Estimates
of the number of security personnel posted in the UT vary widely—from British
ex-diplomat Mark Justin Lyall Grant’s half a million to unofficial figures of a
million. The Union government claims a much smaller deployment—of 343,000,
including army and paramilitary forces.
While
112,000 soldiers, including 14,000 from the Border Security Force, are deployed
at the LoC, an additional 231,000 are posted in other areas of the UT,
according to a government document.
There was
more than just confusion when the Jammu and Kashmir Chief Electoral Officer
announced that security personnel stationed at a ‘peace station’ (Jammu) would
be allowed to cast their votes. Observers point out that the entire UT is, in
fact, a ‘disturbed area’ since the dreaded AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers
Act) applies everywhere.
Even
otherwise, this move is untenable, says Muhammad Ashraf, a former Law Secretary
to the Government of Jammu and Kashmir. The Supreme Court of India has
clarified, he points out, that security forces posted at a peace station and
living there with their families would be eligible as local voters provided
they have resided there for a minimum of three years. With AFSPA generally
providing for postings of two-and-a-half years, the ‘minimum three years’
criterion may also not be met, he said.
"In
the Neela Gokhale case of 2019, the apex court also observed that “a caveat has
been lodged by the Election Commission in its counter-affidavit that said the
practice may not be extended to North-eastern states and the state of Jammu and
Kashmir, as the same may result in change of demographic character of the
constituencies… which in turn may affect the local populace and impact the
electoral profile,” Ashraf explained.
According
to the Jammu and Kashmir Representation Act, 1957, under the Jammu and Kashmir
Constitution, voters had to be 18 and permanent residents of the state. But
under the Representation of Peoples Act (of 1950 and 1951) of the Indian
Constitution, people who have turned 18 and are ordinarily residents in the
constituency, not the state, are eligible to enrol as voters.
Who is an ‘ordinarily resident’?
Section
19 of the Representation of Peoples Act, 1950 states that a person shall not be
deemed to be ‘ordinarily resident in a constituency’ merely on the basis of
ownership or possession of a house. In the landmark judgment in Manmohan Singh
versus Election Commission of India (ECI), Guwahati High Court held that
‘ordinarily resident in a constituency' “shall mean a habitual resident of that
place or a resident as a matter of fact as regular, normal and usual course,
meaning normal and usual resident of that place.” The residency must be
permanent in character, not temporary or casual, the high court held.
The ECI
went on to challenge the judgment in the Supreme Court, which upheld the
judgment of the Guwahati High Court.
In a
commentary published in Business Standard, Bharat Bhushan points out that BJP
has already done what it could to tilt the election in its favour. The Jammu
and Kashmir Delimitation Commission used criteria other than population to
demarcate constituencies. Six of the seven additional constituencies are now in
Jammu.
It also
changed the boundaries of existing constituencies to the advantage of the BJP.
Earlier the ‘state subject’ classification excluded West Pakistan refugees from
Assembly elections though they could vote for Parliament. Now they will be able
to vote in the Assembly polls. By enrolling around 200,000 migrant workers in
the Valley from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the BJP hopes to win more seats than
earlier. It is also banking on the support of Valmikis brought in from Punjab
as scavengers and safai karmachari.
But while
the gerrymandering might help the BJP increase victory margins in its Jammu
strongholds, observers doubt the party will manage to substantially increase
its number of seats. It may even suffer reverses because of the mounting anger
among Pandits following continued killings. And migrant workers might not like
to risk retaliation by voting in the polls. But those niceties might not deter
the BJP from trying to fix the election, observers fear.
Published
by National Herald: 26 August 2022, 5:30 PM