A deception called Mountbatten

British Raj’s duplicity

Book review

Indian Summer: The Secret History of the End of an Empire

Author: Alex Von Tunzelmann

By Daanish Bin Nabi

While reading “Indian Summer: The Secret History of the End of an Empire” written by Alex Von Tunzelmann, one gets the idea that the book has been written to appease the Indian standpoint. This because the British author and historian has given more space to Indian leaders and its politics while ignoring Pakistan, its leaders and the country at the same time.  

The author has also tried to bail out Lord Louis Mountbatten for his misadventures in the wake of partition of India. The book highlights immense research and the chain of events that led to partition, put aptly by Tunzelmann. 

Her work covers in detail Mountbatten’s relations; Mahatma Gandhi’s politics; Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s stubbornness on achieving Pakistan, a separate state; Jawaharlal Nehru’s re-drawing of secret plan of independence documents in Simla; relationship between Nehru and Edwina; the soft-corner of Louis Mountbatten towards Nehru that left Pakistan with very little, and the subsequent migration and killing of thousands of people by Hindu, Sikh and Muslim communities. Tunzelmann starts her work by comparing England with Asian subcontinent. 

She praises the Mughals for uniting India, which at that time had religiously cloven masses. The author presents a wonderful picture of India under Muslim rulers. Author writes that Indian peasant were enjoying a relatively higher income and lower taxation under a legal system based loosely on Sharia law, with millions of non-muslims subjects—Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists—who were allowed freedom of conscience and custom. Author gives a very detailed account of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the journey of Gandhi and Nehru from childhood to marriage and their emergence on Indian political sense. 

Tunzelmann briefly describes Gandhi’s admittance that he learnt the non-violent tactics from his wife when he had restricted her from going out during the daytime which his wife disobeyed because of her mother and the end of the day used to win the argument with passive resistance and fair logic. Gandhi’s brief stay in South Africa and making of The Ambulance Corp in helping British in Boer War is also described. With the arrival of Gandhi on Indian political stage, it was for the first time that Indians again came on one platform after the Mutiny of 1857 because of the charisma of Gandhi. However, author has not done justice with the text as it has failed to provide the space to Mohammad Ali Jinnah (third important figure in British Raj) who after studying in London had emerged on Indian political scene much before Gandhi or Nehru. 

As far as the Mountbattens are concerned, author has presented the backdrop fully with historical details of the Royals of England. She has also written extensively about the politics of Europe and the relationship between the Royals of England and the Tsar of Russia. Author has also commented on Gandhi’s support for General Dyer in the massacre of Jallianwala Bagh when she writes, “Gandhi also supported General Dyer when on 18 April newspapers Gandhi said they were definitely not heroic martyrs and criticized them for having taken to their heels rather than face death calmly.” The book also talks about the Mountbatten’s first journey to India in 1922 and how on his visits to Indian states he witnessed hartals in cities owing to the call given by the Gandhi. 

This was same time author says that for the first time both the Nehru’s—Jawaharlal and his father Motilal Nehru were arrested in Allahabad when Mountbatten visited their city. It was Nehru’s who had organized the hartals in entire city. Author writes that India would have got dominion status only in 1920s had Congress come under joint leadership of Mothilal Nehru and Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Putting blame on Gandhi and his type of politics author writes Gandhi gave preference to virtue than politics. Tunzelmann is also critical of the Gandhian politics about the ‘untouchables’ even close aides of Gandhi were loathing him on the issue of untouchables. 

Continuing with the chronicle of events author gives a brief about the return of Mohammad Ali Jinnah from London. Jinnah first was reluctant to come to come back but author writes, until a friend reported to Jinnah, a comment made by his arch rival Nehru—remarked that Jinnah was ‘finished’. Jinnah was so furious that he headed back to India with intent to show Nehru that he is ready to fire up the Muslim League which he would build from scratch to second most powerful political party of India. 

An important year in British India was 1937, that year elections were held and Congress won a majority with Muslim League of getting some seat. Tunzelmann about the election writes that one of the great factors for creation of Pakistan was Congresses rejection of Muslim League after 1937 elections. While India was hot with the ongoing politics, on the same Tunzelmann has portrayed a striking picture of life of the Mountbatten’s—their love-hate relationship. 

There is also in-depth reporting on the life of the Edwina’s affairs with various immensely poplars personalities. 

By the time World War II had engulfed Europe again, in India there was ever-growing deepening gap between Muslim League and Congress, with Muslim League supporting the British war efforts in favour of getting Pakistan while on other hand Congress whole heartedly rejecting it, with the subsequent call of Quit India given by Gandhi. 

Tunzelmann writes many Congress leaders were arrested including Gandhi and Nehru that paved way for Muslim League to preach their ideology of Pakistan. The vacuum created by the Congress was a stepping stone in making of Pakistan. 

Author argues Quit India movement ruined the chances of a united India. After Quit India movement, Jinnah gave Indian leaders another chance of keeping India united. But the stubbornness of Gandhi did not allow it to happen when Cabinet Mission Plan was announced. 

Tunzelmann writes that to the astonishment of everyone, including supporters of Jinnah, he accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan even Nehru and Patel also were ready but Gandhi lent heavily on Congress to reject it, on grounds that there was no Congress Muslim in the government. 

Author writes that it is more plausible that Jinnah actually meant to accept the plan. His intention since the very beginning of his career had been to prevent minority Muslim interests from being submerged under a Hindu-majority government. Author furiously writes the Cabinet Mission Plan did indeed provide for that and paved the way for Pakistan. 

Tunzelmann argues that, “In retrospect many historians have agreed that Gandhi’s derailment of the plan was a point of no return. The Muslim League’s mistrust of Gandhi reached a fever pitch: from then on the partition of India was inevitable.” The book provides an inside of the relation of two politicians whom many historians have almost forgotten to look upon—the secret relation between Jinnah and Churchill. Author writes Churchill was a great supporter of Pakistan. It was his support for the creation Pakistan and Muslim League support for Allied war efforts. Author sarcastically writes if Jinnah is regarded as father of Pakistan, Churchill must qualify as it uncle. When Mountbatten is chosen as the last viceroy of India, by that time he was long known in Admiralty as the “Master of Disaster” and now he was given more power to decide the fate of over 400 million souls of the British Empire. 

One of the fascinating Tunzelmann put in her book is about the favoritism of Mountbatten towards Nehru, she writes so well was the love of Mountbatten towards Nehru that he broke the protocol and showed the secret plan papers to Nehru in Simla in mid May of 1947. Nehru disliked the plan and in just three hours, Nehru and Menon drew up a new plan for India. Telephone calls were made to Congress potentates and Muslim League and the princes were not consulted about these changes. It has again put forth question about integrity of Nehru’s statesmanship and honesty of Mountbatten as well. 

When Jinnah obstinately rallied for idea of Pakistan after constant back-stabbing by Congress leaders on many occasions, Gandhi slyly offered Jinnah to become the prime minister of India. Author writes, “Gandhi was conspiring to discredit Jinnah and ensure the long term goals of a Hindu nationalist state. It would have represented the undemocratic minority government ruling over majority Hindus which they could easily overthrow him after the British left and would have installed a majority Hindu government suppressing Muslims in that case. 

But Jinnah refused it all together.” The book also provides a striking account of the relation between Jawaharlal Nehru and Edwina Mountbatten. Book has also chronicled Abdul Kalam Azad’s saying, “Jawaharlal is a man of principle, but he is also impulsive and amenable to personal influence perhaps even greater was the influence of Edwina, where several viceroys and Sir Stafford Cripps had failed, Edwina succeed–saving her husband’s political career as well as the entire process of the transfer of power.” 

Much to the disliking of Jinnah, Mountbatten set up a States Department in July, and made Vallabhai Patel its head. Author writes that Patel realised immediately that Mountbatten’s amicable relations with many of the princes of princely sate was uniquely suited to help India achieve its aim of leaving no state behind. After writing about all these blunders author has time and again presented her counter argument in which she had tried to take the side of Mountbatten in justifying why he took such and such step. About the princely states author writes Mountbatten and Patel adopted a two-sided attack. 

On one hand they described princes as personal friends and offered princes ambassadorships and privilege and on other threatened them with disasters. This shows how Mountbatten tried hard to give India more advantage in partition while ignoring Pakistan all-together. Author writes he also used his royal connections to exert pressure on the princes to accede to India. 

Tunzelmann justifying Patel’s and Mountbatten’s hypocrisy about larger India she writes , “Between them and less in a year these two men achieved a larger India, more closely integrated, that had 90 years of British Raj, 180 years of Mughal Empire or 13o years of Maurya rulers.” The case of Ferozepur—a salient has also been specially mentioned in her book. Ferozepur had been assigned to Pakistan, but the Ferozepur salient was of evident concern to Bikaner, which had agreed to go with India. 

Author writes that, “Sir Radcliffe received a visitation in the suave form of VP Menon. Christopher Beaumont, secretary to Boundary Commission, was unusually excluded from the invitation. Beaumount later testified Radcliffe returned agitated would not disclose what was said, and immediately redrew the line of partition to award Ferozepur to India.” 

In case of Junagadh, Tunzelmann says the Nawab of Junagadh was a Muslim, ruling over a population that was over four-fifths Hindus. The promised plebiscite was held in February 1948, and subsequently the state was awarded to India. 

But why same plebiscite was refused to Kashmir Tunzelmann fails to answer the question. 

She writes that it was Jawaharlal’s obsession with Kashmir which till this date has not been resolved. Author writes Edwina also had to admit that Nehru with all his understandings, statesmanship and fair-mindedness was not always so easy to discuss Kashmir with. About the massacre of Jammu Muslim author writes that Maharaja’s Dogra forces carried out the genocide of Muslims in Jammu that changed the demography of Jammu from being Muslim majority to minority and the way Hindu population from other cities of India were settled in Jammu city has also been described in detail. 

On instrument of accession of Kashmir Tunzelmann writes that, “There is muddiness in the evidence as to whether Indian troops were sent in before the instrument of accession was signed or delivered at all. The original seems to have disappeared from the Indian archives. But the question of when exactly the Maharaja signed the instrument is a red herring. He had already deserted his capital by the time he even requested the instrument and had lost control of his state. Under such circumstances, it is doubtful that he was still the Maharaja in any meaningful sense and whether he had the authority to accede to either dominion.” About the killing of people in riots after the partition, 

Tunzelmann has provided with graphic details the horrifying scenes. Author has compared the killings to holocaust. Great amount of detail has been put forth by the author about the horrifying stories of the killings. She writes that there were thousands clustered into each of the biggest camps, at Purana Qila and Humayun’s Tomb: ragging from 60,000 to 100,000. Thousands more were been killed. Someone had counted 137 mosques damaged. Some also forcibly converted to Hindu temples.