Sheikhdom to Fiefdom

NC founder’s roar from independence to integral part

In past one century Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was undoubtedly the tallest leader Jammu and Kashmir state produced. He dominated the political as well as social life of the state for more than five decades. His unique selling proposition (USP) or unique selling point USP was that his orders would be implemented in letter and spirit right from Poonch to Kathua, Doda, to Uri to Daksum covering entire state. 

Today, he may not be a forgotten leader but many see him as a "traitor" who sold Kashmir's future for his power. Sheikh Abdullah played a significant role in empowerment of people particularly the peasantry of Kashmir, led them to education and to understand their political rights. Why is he then seen as someone who failed them? Is Sheikh Abdullah a misunderstood character or according to an Indian author Ajit Bhattarcharya he was a "Tragic Hero" or he really ditched his people, Rising Kashmir Online Editor Daanish Bin Nabi tries to find out:

Rise of Sheikh

As no serious political party existed in Kashmir till 1920s, it was only after the Muslim students of Kashmir like Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, Muhammad Rajab, Ghulam Ahmad Mukhtar and others returned from Aligarh thought of coming on a single platform to raise the voice against the autocratic Dogra rule.

These students formed the Reading Room at Fateh Kadal in Srinagar. The Reading Room worked as a springboard for political discussion and anti-regime activities. Election of the office-bearers of the Reading Room was held and Rajab was elected the president while Sheikh the Secretary.

Sheikh was a descendant of a Brahmin family whose ancestor converted to Islam. “Our great grandfather Sheikh Ghulam Rasool converted to Islam,” says Sheikh’s daughter Khalida Shah.

It was Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah who introduced Sheikh to the masses. Sheikh then started delivering his public speeches and demanded government services for the educated Muslim youth and freedom of press. His daughter refuting allegation of introducing him to politics says, “No Yusuf Shah did not introduce him to politics. It is totally baseless. Sheikh did not need any motivational power or any support.”

After serving in Islamia High School for some time, Sheikh was appointed a teacher in Government High School, Srinagar.

Sheikh was without question the dominant figure in Kashmir from 1930s to his death in 1982. He was an enigmatic and complex political leader of Kashmir. He had a meteoric rise to the top slot of Kashmir politics and continued to dominate the political scene for more than 50 years. No other person has become as popular and also as controversial as Sheikh.

Formation of National Conference

Kashmir's first political party, the Muslim Conference with Sheikh Abdullah as President, Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas as General Secretary, and Molvi Abdul Rahim as Secretary was formed on 16 October 1932. Molvi Abdul Rahim and Sheikh were also the first Muslim educated Kashmiri youth to be arrested during the freedom movement of 1931.

Sheikh, a fierce orator who mesmerized the masses by his speeches was influenced by two persons, his mother and Dr. Sir Mohammad Iqbal. “He got his oratory skill from his mother,” says Khalida.

His politics changed drastically when Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan introduced him to Jawaharlal Nehru in 1937. After a prolonged and vigorous campaign, a special session of the Muslim Conference held in June 1938 voted to change the name of the party to National Conference.

“It’s in human nature that one gets influenced by certain personalities. There was the influence of Nehru on Sheikh. He himself had decided to change Muslim Conference to National conference. He did so because Muslim Conference seemed more Muslim-centric. He changed its name only to accommodate every community of Kashmir,” Khalida opines.

In ‘The Clash of Fundamentalisms’, Tariq Ali writes: “Sheikh drew closer to the social-revolutionary nationalism advocated by Nehru.”

The twists and turns in the personal relationship between the Abdullahs and the Nehru-Gandhi family too have shaped the destiny of Kashmir.

Kashyap Bandhu, the editor in chief of Urdu newspaper ‘Martand’, writes, “Sheikh had beard till 1930s to which Pandits always objected. He would always take part in Milad procession. But when Pandits said that if he is a secular than why he takes part in these processions and why he has beard. After that Sheikh always remained clean shaved and never was seen taking part in Milad processions ever again.”

Prem Nath Bazaz is believed to have engineered conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference.  The Muslim Conference members believe that Bazaz published a pamphlet in mid 30s and conferred the title of `Kashmir ka Gandhi’ on Sheikh. This publication went to Sheikh’s head and he started behaving and thinking like Gandhi. This culminated with the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference in 1939.

Veteran NC leader, Sheikh Nazir says, “Unfortunately, Sir Iqbal is not alive today. He was the man responsible for the conversion as he had advised Sheikh Sahib to convert Muslim conference into National Conference.”

Sheikh married Akbar Jehan, the daughter of a European hotelier Michael Harry Nedou in October 1933.

Quit Kashmir Movement

Sheikh launched the Quit Kashmir agitation in May 1946 but was arrested and sentenced to three year imprisonment. He was released only 16 months later. On his return from the jail, Kashmir was abuzz with the talk of either joining the dominion of India or Pakistan. Kashmir, being a Muslim majority state, and according to Independence Act, should have naturally become part of Pakistan.

However, Sheikh rejected the two-nation theory, favoured a special status for J&K within a secular but Hindu India. His friendship with Nehru and his dislike for Jinnah was one reason for his decision not to go with Islamic Pakistan.

Some NC veterans also say that it was his fear of Punjabi Muslim dominance over Kashmir that Sheikh took oath as Prime Minister of Kashmir on 17 March 1948.

Sheikh as Prime Minister

Sheikh’s regime was in total contrast to his own Naya Kashmir documents. “In conformity with the interests of the people, for the purpose of promoting political awakening and strengthening the national resurgence, all citizens shall be guaranteed by law: Freedom of speech; freedom of the press; freedom of assembly and meetings; freedom of street processions and demonstrations,” Article 1, Clause 3 of the Naya Kashmir document reads.

 However, all these idealistic ideas were not prevalent during his regime.

Writer Zaffar Iqbal Manhas opines, “No development happened during this tenure. Sheikh’s regime was arrogant, ruthless and autocratic. People suffered a lot and dissent was not tolerated, ‘freedom of speech’ and ‘freedom of expression’ did not exist at all.” Manhas is an ardent admirer of Sheikh but is now in Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Khawaja Sanullah Bhat, the late editor of Aftab, a leading Urdu daily of Kashmir, in his work ‘Kashmir in Flames’ writes that basic commodities like salt and kerosene oil were not available for common masses. Corruption and favoritism was rampant. Bhat quotes the couplets of famous poet Mehjoor.

Noonas gayos national wanas (Went to buy salt, from Nationalist shop);

Dophom ral Hindustanas seeth (I was asked to join Hindustan)

Thar thar watschem heri-boneh panas (It shook me from top to bottom);

Dil chum Pakistanas seeth (Because my heart beats for Pakistan)

Zoo jan wand hai Hindustan as (Would sacrifice my soul and body on Hindustan);

Dil Chum Pakistanas seeith (But my heart is with Pakistan)

Lashing out Sheikh, Hurriyat (G) Chairman Syed Ali Geelani in ‘Wular ke Kinarey – I’ writes: “Those who give credit to Sheikh Abdullah for ‘land to tiller’ reforms should understand that NC leader did actually save farmers from the landlords but ensured that entire Kashmiri nation is forced into slavery under a much stronger landlord in India.”

Noted journalist and human rights activist Zahiruddin says, “During Maharaja Hari Singh’s regime, J&K didn’t have a preventive detention law or custodian killings. When Sheikh took over, he bought all the Indian laws. He even arrested those who used to listen to Radio Pakistan. In the first six years of his regime, he only looted. There was also embezzlement in relief fund, cooperative fund and emergency government fund during his time. Government of India set up committees to probe the embezzlement of funds.”

However, refuting all these allegations, Khalida says, “He always worked for the people. He did not waste any time in the implementation of his agendas. ‘Land to Tiller’ and education were the highlights of his rule.”

Sheikh’s arrest

Throughout his entire career, Sheikh oscillated from Independence to autonomous status of Kashmir to complete merger with India. In 1949, Sheikh again changed his stance and started to propagate independence for Kashmir.

“Sheikh wanted to be with India but on his own terms. He wanted to keep Kashmir out of Delhi’s reach and wanted to be a powerhouse himself. However, situation calmed down, which culminated in Delhi agreement. Sheikh still resented, which finally led to his arrest in 1953,” Manhas says.

A firsthand account of his arrest is given by Khalida, where she says how vendetta was carried against Abdullah family after his arrest. “He was arrested as Prime Minister of Kashmir. It was planned by Nehru’s advisors. Nehru always wanted him at the helm of affairs of the state. Some persons in New Delhi’s establishment were against Sheikh and wanted him always out of political scene so that there was no dissent in Kashmir. Our family was in Gulmarg for the weekend and at 4 am police came to arrest him. After his arrest, a wave of political vendetta was unleashed against our family. We were harassed in every possible way. Even doctors were not allowed. Only Dr Hafizullah and compounder Muhammad Shaban used to visit our house.”

August 9 was observed in J&K every year as ‘Black Flag Day’, writes Wajahat Habibullah to commemorate the arrest of Shiekh Abdullah in 1953 and dismissal of his government. However, NC abandoned it after joining hands with Congress to rule the state.

1975 Accord

Sheikh himself opined his views about 1975 accord saying, “Forgetting my past experiences, I agreed to compromise with the Congress but soon had to regret my decision.”

To agree to an accord with New Delhi was not his own decision but influenced by his family and close aides. “During Sheikh’s first years of reign, he was arrogant to the core. He did not listen to anyone. But toward the later part of his life, Begum Abdullah, Mirza Afzal Beg and Ghulam Muhammad Shah influenced his decisions and 1975 accord is one of the examples,” Manhas says.

It is also alleged that New Delhi influenced Sheikh through Begum Abdullah. He was also blackmailed because of Nedou hotel lease and reopening of fund embezzlement case of 1953.

“The grudge that dignified Muslims of Kashmiri nation could have with Sheikh Sahib is that he would recite verses of holy Quran in a melodious voice to lure people towards him. But the man never followed instructions of holy verses in his practical life, as is evident from his accord with India.” Geelani writes.

“Naya Kashmir document which demands total independence for Kashmir was the roadmap of NC. Now, NC has diverted from its original path. When Sheikh took over in 1975, he gave the original document of Naya Kashmir to Balraj Puri. When he amended it, words like ‘Freedom and Self Reliance’ were erased from the document. Sheikh led them to fiddle and dilute NC’s backbone,” Zahiruddin opines.

NC’s vindictive politics

NC has a history of betrayal and has always played politics of vendetta on opponents of which the family of Mirwaiz and Jamaat-e-Islami has suffered the most during NC rule. “Sheikh was vindictive at political as well as at the personal front. For the past five years, NC has not allowed Hurriyat programmes, public gatherings or observing anniversaries of our leaders. NC has always used government institutions, especially the police to suppress their political opponents. Police has always been an extension of NC. This policy has been its tagline. NC has only one agenda that is to be in power by any means,” Mirwaiz Umar Farooq says.

While on the other hand, Emir Jamaat-e-Islami Mohammad Abdullah Wani says, “There are three reasons why NC has animosity towards Jamaat. First, the fundamental difference is NC is a secular party and Sheikh Sahab had a secular mind while Jamaat is a religious political party with a proper ideology. Second, Jamaat resented every move of NC like the accord or whenever Sheikh Sahab tried to show that he is the undisputed leader of Kashmir. Third, Jamaat was the only party which contested against NC in Ganderbal and Deevsar in 1970s and 1980s.  Jamaat’s opposition at every step is a nail in the heart of NC.”

However, Sheikh Nazir opines: “It is totally wrong and baseless. It was Sheikh Sahab who started the freedom movement of Kashmir. Mirwaiz family only used to preach Islam. Ancestors of this family had nothing to with politics. The 1931 movement was started by Sheikh Sahab for Muslims. It was because of this movement that Molvi Yusuf Shah and Ahmadullah Hamdani came on Kashmir’s political scene. We have nothing to do with Jamaat either. They always wanted to show that they can beat Sheikh Sahab. Syed Ali Geelani was our employee at Auqaf. He used to teach Quran. We used to pay for his services. Sheikh Sahab had clearly told him to preach Islam and Quran. He was paid regularly by Dari-Auqaf-Islamiyah, the present day Waqf Board. He also wanted to be a leader. He was a religious man. What was the need for him to mingle in politics? By joining the electoral process, it meant Geelani also accepted the Constitution of India.  Let me make it amply clear that although Mirwaiz family and Jamaat both joined politics but Sheikh Sahab never carried out vendetta against anyone.”

End of an Era

Sheikh’s last days were troubled. His weakening hold over the party and the state administration led to increased corruption and intrigue. The principal rivals for his succession were his son Farooq Abdullqah and son-in-law Ghulam Mohammad Shah. Farooq was well-liked but lacked political experience. Shah had secured a following in NC through consistent struggle with Sheikh.

In ‘Nice Guys Finish Second’, B K Nehru writes: “Sheikh feared that Farooq was too easygoing to be given the responsibility of governance and was reluctant to name him as his successor until the near end.”

However, Sheikh increasingly involved him more closely in party politics by finally appointing him his successor as president of NC on 21 August 1975.

His compromise with Indira Gandhi, of accepting J&K’s accession to India without New Delhi even honoring its promise to revive the state’s special status, dented Sheikh’s reputation.

When his death was announced on September 1982, despite his dented reputation, mourners thronged Polo Ground where his body was laid out. Weeping and chanting dirges, mourners lined the entire route to Hazratbal, where he was buried. Farooq, who had been sworn-in as acting chief minister, led the funeral procession. New Delhi had, however, miscalculated that the desire for ‘Azaadi’ had died with him.

Khalida says, “When Sheikh Sahab was on death bed, I remember him saying to Shah Sahab to take over the reins of chief ministership but Shah refused saying I cannot do it while you are still among us. Sheikh Sahab requested Shah Sahab two or three times but he kept denying. So, after his death, Shah was apparent heir for the chair but Farooq did not let it happen.”

“He did not die as an unpopular leader. He was the tallest leader of Kashmir by virtue of his popularity but not by virtue of his vision. Even his enemies had moist eyes out of respect. Apart from his political shortcomings, he still was at peak in popularity on his death,” Manhas says.

Freewheeling Farooq

When Sheikh crowned Farooq as NC President in 1980, tens of thousands of people attended the ceremony. To capture the mood of people, journalist A R Karangi of an Urdu newspaper Blitz, wrote, “Kaun kehta hai ki yeh baap bete ki taj pooshi kar raha hai, yeh to log apna neeta chun rahein hai.” (Who says it is a coronation of a son by his a father, it is people electing their leader).

Sheikh ordained his son Farooq to lead NC on August 21, 1981 the day history of NC and Kashmir changed forever.

According to Zahiruddin, “Farooq Abdullah is a joker. When political coup happened in 1984, he was with actress Shabana Azmi. Azmi was on Kashmir tour. By this we can see how non-serious he is.”

Another Son Rises

For Omar Abdullah, the scion of Abdullah family, the biggest challenge is the survival of NC in ever-changing Kashmir politics. Of late, NC has drifted from its historic political ideology with Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) portraying to bring a ‘Change’. Omar can only save NC by returning to its history and that of his family. “By making Omar CM, NC has once again only promoted family rule in Kashmir,” Zahiruddin says while Manhas opines that Omar is a CM by chance. “He is not a man from the grass root,” he says.

Mirwaiz, who is Omar’s contemporary says, “Omar is same as his predecessors and following the same steps of his father and grandfather.”

Like his predecessors Omar has also failed on political and developmental front. There is no major development of the state in entire NC’s history.

Over the years, the Sheikhdom was converted into fiefdom and the results were apparent. When Omar was chosen to be NC President, only 1500 people attended the ceremony. From lakhs to a few hundred supporters, the dwindling popularity graph of the party says it all. NC founder did roar. He roared from independence to integral part.